November 23, 2001 | |
| 09.15 -- 09.30 | Michael Moortgat Opening |
| 09.30 -- 10.00 | Pieter Adriaans and Marco Vervoort The EMILE Grammar Inducer |
| 10.00 -- 10.30 | Christophe Costa Florencio Intrinsic Complexity |
| coffee | |
| 10.45 -- 11.15 | Richard Moot Complexity of Type Logical Grammar |
| 11.15 -- 11.45 | Carlos Areces and Juan Heguiabehere HyLoRes: Theory & Practice |
| 11.45 -- 12.15 | Jan van Eijck Quantification and Reference in Dynamic Semantics |
| lunch | |
| 13.30 -- 14.00 | Paul Dekker Dynamic Interpretation in a Categorial Framework |
| 14.00 -- 14.30 | Gerhard Jäger Binding in Type Logical Grammar |
| 14.30 -- 15.00 | Raffaella Bernardi and Oystein Nilsen Polarity Items in Type Logical Grammar. Connection with DMG |
| tea | |
| 15.30 -- 16.00 | Michiel van Lambalgen Why Meaning is Essentially Nonmonotonic |
| 16.00 -- 17.00 | Panel Discussion Johan van Benthem, Michael Moortgat, Henriette de Swart, Henk Zeevat; chair Martin Stokhof |
(Marco's part:) This talk will be about the EMILE program, a program designed to infere the grammar of a language from a sample of sentences, using the concept of characteristic expressions and contexts. I will explain the concepts behind the program, and sketch some of the basic algorithms.
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Quite recently a new approach to the study of "intrinsic" complexity of learning has emerged in the work of Freivalds. Freivalds, Kinber and Smith applied this notion to function identification, Jain and Sharma applied it to language learning. Instead of considering the behavior of the learning algorithm, this approach uses the notion of reducibility to investigate the complexity of the concept classes being learned. I will discuss the weak and strong versions of this notion, hardness and completeness, results for pattern languages, self-referential languages and convex hulls, and structural properties of the induced hierarchy of classes.
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Many different structural rules have been proposed for giving
a description of linguistic phenomena using the multimodal
Lambek calculus.
We will show that if we restrict the structural rules to those
which are non-expanding, in the sense that no information is
added in the consequent of a rule, the decision procedure for
the multimodal Lambek calculus is PSPACE complete.
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Many examples show that "hybridization" (the addition of nominals and
satisfiability operators to a base logic) has important effects. To start
with, it usually enhances the expressive power of the logic, in many cases
without modifying the complexity of its satisfiability problem. But perhaps
more importantly, it improves the "behavior" of the logic, both proof- and
model-theoretically.
In this talk, we will discuss how we can devise a simple resolution system
for a very expressive hybrid logic: H(@,\downarrow). While the
satisfiability problem for this logic is undecidable, the system can
effectively decide satisfiability of the languages for basic modal and
hybrid logics which live as subsystems inside H(@,\downarrow).
We have implemented this resolution system in Haskell. And the first
prototype, which we call HyLoRes, is up and running. We will discuss how
HyLoRes implements a version of the classical "given clause" algorithm for
resolution, which is today the standard algorithm in first order theorem
proving. The prototype is, by no means, competitive but it already shows
some of the main characteristics of the system: on-the-fly transformation to
clausal form, controlled firing of rules, paramodulation for handling
nominal equality, etc.
We will present details on how HyLoRes has been evolving, and how the
changes affected its performance. We will discuss our choices on
architecture and data types. We will also comment on what has still *not*
been done. Which are the theoretical issues (like ordered hybrid
resolution, universal modalities, etc.) that we are investigating now? And
how will HyLoRes be extended in the coming months?
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The talk sketches a very simple framework for dynamic semantics in
polymorphic type theory. This semantic framework fits any reasonable
(categorial) approach to syntax. It is demonstrated how static and
dynamic generalized quantification and references to individuals and
groups are treated in this framework.
Note: this is joint work, in part, with Rick Nouwen (Uil-OTS).
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In my talk I will discuss some (not fully satisfactory) attempts to generalize Jacobson's binding mechanisms in a variable free categorial grammar. I will first discuss some of the limitations of her own approach and next discuss some alternative treatments. Inspired by a certain parallel with systems of dynamic semantics I will next sketch some ways of formulating dynamic binding in a categorial style. This part of the talk serves as a leg up for Gert's propopsal.
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We propose to extend the Lambek calculus with two additional implications, where the first one models anaphora and the second one indefiniteness. Both pronouns and indefinites are interpreted as identity functions, but they give rise to different types and are thus subject to different interpretation strategies. This leads to a straightforward surface compositional analysis of scopal behavior of indefinites and of Sluicing.
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In the talk we will show how categorial type logic (CTL) can contribute
to the study of linguistic typologies, and how this application sheds
light on the different roles of binary vs. unary operators in the
analysis of linguistic phenomena.
In particular, we will use the base logic studied in [Areces,
Bernardi, Moortgat 01] to elucidate the typology of Greek polarity
items (PIs) discussed in [Giannakidou 97] and compare it with Italian
data and types.
The derivability patters which govern residuated and Galois connected
operators are used to encode semantic features which determine
polarity distribution. These derivations among types (i) encode subset
relations among items of the same syntactic category which differ for
some semantic features, and (ii) help clarify cross-linguistic
differences.
Finally, the application of this logic to the analysis of PIs sheds
light on a possible connection between dynamic Montague grammar (DMG) and
CTL giving new intuitions about the interpretations of the unary
operators.
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